Lots of Question About Foreign Policy in International Relations

What is there a complex foreign policy agenda?

In general, the differences that exist in the central arrangements for conducting foreign policy in various states have been influenced by the expansion in the content of foreign policy, the loosening of central control and the increasingly technical nature of much of external policy. In advanced industrial states especially, the development of an increasingly complex foreign policy agenda — including such varied issues as energy, resources, telecommunications, transfrontier land pollution — as well as the more conventional or traditional political issues, has had several implications for central foreign-policy organisation

The main functions of foreign ministries are defined as: ceremonial, managerial, information and communication, international negotiation, duty of protection and contribution to international order. The balance of emphasis on each of these will vary between countries.

The changed communications environment is one of the main factors influencing the organisational and functional development of foreign ministries. Changes in communication technology have affected several aspects of decision making. Speed of communication between the overseas post and centre has significantly altered, as has the ‘time’ relationship between the decisionmaker and event. The visual dimension of an event — drought, demonstration, the construction progress of a development project, armed clashes, military engagements — can be graphically captured both formally and informally by a range of actors.

The development of websites by foreign ministries, embassies and delegations to international organisations is now standard practice. For foreign ministries, in particular, it is part of their renaissance as focal points for organising and projecting national presence. The foreign ministry websites serve to explain and record national foreign policy and rebut unacceptable actions or claims by other states. The construction of sites with differing emphases — such as visits, key events, or foreign policy statements — helps to convey the general political image and ambience of a state. Some aspects of site construction by delegations to international institutions remain embryonic.

?The cables reflect many of the standard tasks of diplomacy: observations on receiving country policies, personalities; assessments; setting out views; exploring the views of others, and thirdparty reporting on the activities of other states’ diplomacy

Foreign ministries tend to have certain common organisational characteristics insofar as they generally contain a mix of functional, geographic, protocol, legal and administrative divisions. Apart from the question of size, which tends to have a telescopic effect, with divisions or departments covering greater geographic areas the smaller the actor, differences in organisational structure occur partly because of particular foreign policy interests, e.g. the Cyprus foreign ministry devotes a separate department to the Cyprus problem.

Functional rather than geographic departments may be set up within foreign ministries for several reasons, including. Such departments enable a foreign ministry to monitor and follow the work of other agencies, and if necessary to take the lead.

9- How reorganizations of foreign ministries last two decades have addressed a variety of issues?

Foreign ministries have undergone major reorganisation over the past decade. Reorganisations have addressed a variety of issues such as: improving central coordination; the balance between geographic and functional departments; achieving a more proactive structure; the best way to handle economic matters, including trade and various questions to do with reviving presence and effectiveness.

10- Why states establish and maintain overseas representation?

In general, states establish and maintain overseas representation for four main reasons. First, representation is either part of the process of achieving statehood and identity in international relations or, for established states, essential to being considered a power in the international system. Second, embassies are an important but by no means exclusive means of communication, and a source of contact with the host and other states and entities, enabling a state to participate in international discourse. Third, embassies are a means of dealing with a variety of particular problems arising with respect to bilateral relations, nations and multilateral fora. Fourth, embassies are the agencies for promoting core interests and bilateral coordinations of a country

First, representation is part of the process of attaining identity and is seen as a force in the international system for states.

Second, embassies are a source of contact with the host and other states and entities.

Third, embassies are a way of dealing with the various specific problems that arise with nations.

Fourth, embassies are agencies that promote the basic interests and bilateral co-ordination of a country.

11-Why states want to establish diplomatic representation with a core group countries?

Most states have a core group of countries within their overall diplomatic representation. Those states within that group will be included for historical, alliance, ideological and economic reasons. For most states the membership of the core group is likely to remain relatively stable unless the state is undergoing major reorientation of its foreign policy or is in dispute. Adjustments in the ranking of countries in the core group, nevertheless, take place through modifications to staffing, budgetary allocation and tasks of those posts, in the light of such factors as changes in the volume of political work, trade opportunities, defence relations and tourism.

What are the other forms of representation? Name them?

Apart from a separate trade commissioner service used by some states, consular arrangements are used to varying degrees by most states.

Much depends on the scale of resources, perception of interests and role in international relations. These might be relatively limited or localised.

The growing international involvement of internal ministries has resulted in the proliferation of representative offices overseas. These include development corporations, investment agencies, trade and tourist offices and student liaison bureaux.

13- Why the growth of representative offices overseas and specialists has contributed to increase bureoucratic rivalry?

The growth of representative offices overseas and specialists from home departments in diplomatic posts has contributed to increased bureaucratic rivalry.

One aspect of this is the development of multiple information channels for receiving, gathering and evaluating information.

Another noticeable effect is on the traditional embassy functions of reporting and assessments, which can become downgraded through overloading from routine protocol associated with inward visits by, for example, representatives of domestic ministries or parliamentarians and other political leaders. Third, and most important, are the enhanced problems of coordination and control brought about by the splintering of policy

14- Which factors are seen as signals for the transformation of disputes and conflicts into higher levels of tension?

The transformation of disputes and conflicts into higher levels of tension — leading eventually to breaks in diplomatic relations or other states of abnormal relations — is generally signalled by one or more factors relating to, for example, negotiation or border provisions.

These include: abrogation of treaties or agreements dealing with security or non-intervention; the reintroduction of fundamental demands at a critical stage of negotiation; the cancellation and non-continuation of key talks; economic sanctions; and border closure.

15-How the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations treats as implications of the trastion to armed conflict?

The Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations treats this question broadly in three areas: the implications for diplomatic agents, assets and protection of interests. The first two of these will only be briefly noted here. Under Article 44 of the Vienna Convention, the receiving state is under an obligation to grant those with privileges and immunities the right to leave at the earliest possible moment.25 Article 45 deals inter alia with assets, which in the event of a break or recall (either permanent or temporary) the receiving state has a duty to protect, including premises of the mission, its property and archives (Article 45(a)).

16- How the resumption of diplomatic relations may be achieved through other means?

It should be noted that the resumption of diplomatic relations may also be achieved through other means, including direct contact, friendly powers and intermediaries. The ending of diplomatic relations also does not mean necessarily the termination of consular relations. Consular officials have been used in those instances in which either there are no diplomatic relations, or diplomatic relations have been broken, for diplomatic and political functions

17- What are the political functions of foreign ministries in the post-2000 international system?

The contested and unstable international system post-2000 has also meant that the political functions of foreign ministries — assessments, options, advice and warning — have assumed greater significance. Rapid advances in international communications alter pace and methods of contact.

. For foreign ministries, adding value to function is a critical issue. However, for those with a stake in the international system, having a foreign policy is something that is increasingly expensive, often intangible, but an essential part of continued statehood and international presence.

In conclusion, the purpose of diplomacy is to execute the foreign policy of the sending state in the host country, and to foster order and peace in an anarchic world. And functions of diplomacy are communication, negotiation, intelligence gathering, image management, and policy implementation.

1- Identify the main tasks of diplomacy.

4- Why diplomats are considered as messenger?

Diplomats are messengers, for instance between sending and hosting state. The extent to which they have room to include their own interpretations and ideas in the messages varies considerably

5- Among these, Kennan’s Long Telegram (1946) has been one of the most influential messages ever sent by a diplomat. It is well worth looking at this document in some depth, too.

6- But let us conclude this section on another note. Non-traditional diplomatic actors are important messengers as well. Take NGOs, for example. For them, the target audience is not an administration back home but a public (national, regional or global). NGOs such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch issue regular reports on human rights abuses worldwide. These reports make a difference. In the worstcase scenario, they merely raise awareness, but the problem persists. Yet there are even cases in which states, put under pressure by public opinion, re-think their practices. President George W. Bush, for example, was heavily criticized for transferring Al Qaeda and Taliban suspects to Guantanamo Bay in Cuba in 2002. The in-depth research and diffusion of the research results by NGOs led to a public outcry against the detention facility. Bush did not yield to the pressure. Obama, however, worked towards closing the facility.

9- Since negotiations come in so many different shapes or forms, it is best to define them broadly. Thompson’s definition is helpful in this regard: “Negotiation is an interpersonal decision making process necessary whenever we cannot achieve our objectives single-handedly” (Thompson, 2009: 2). The multi-faceted nature of negotiations n

10- Game theory has established itself as an influential angle from which to approach this question. Game theory asks the question of how individual players can reach the best possible outcome for themselves while they are locked into a single game with one another.

11- Political Psychology cautions that negotiators are not always the computational machines that game theory makes them out to be.

12- More sociologically inclined approaches elaborate on the intangible aspects of power, for example by studying the repercussions of status and prestige on negotiations (Cohen, 2001a). Occupational culture is another important concept. Diplomats, no matter where they come from, converge around some taken-for-granted ideas about what diplomacy is and how to do it, including how to negotiate. This facilitates their negotiations (Salacuse, 1998). In the language of the previous chapter, there are convergences around background ideas that constitute diplomacy in general and diplomatic negotiations in particular in the first place

13- Usually, it is not just traditional diplomats who make up these networks, but there are actors representing NGOs, transnational corporations, international organizations, etc. as well. It is through the interaction in these informal networks that actors make up their minds about interests and how to act accordingly (Jönsson and Strömvik, 2005). Even more so, actors arrive at interpretations about the world and the seemingly self-evident oughts and ought nots for how to act through interaction in these networks. Some actors occupy nodes in this network that enable them to diffuse their understandings of the world, and these actors are not necessarily traditional diplomats.

14- International organizations, as Barnett and Finnemore point out, have a particular kind of authority that predisposes many other actors to listen to them. They are seen as non-political entities serving not themselves but the global community. This makes their word count (Barnett and Finnemore, 1999)

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Fatih YILDIZ

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